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Thread: The Extreme Northern Position

  1. #1
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    Default The Extreme Northern Position

    https://www.abbevilleinstitute.org/b...hern-position/


    If you listen to the modern historical profession, Southern secession in 1861 represented “treason.” David Blight, Professor History at Yale University, has made this belief the part of the core of his attack on Confederate symbols. If we should not take them down because they represent “white supremacy,” then they should be removed because Southerners were “traitors.”
    Traitors to whom or what?
    Certainly this was an open question in 1860 and 1861. Secession–political, economic, social–had been advanced by various groups since the founding. The very act of independence in 1776 was an act of secession. Secession had been an American principle and an American tale for generations.
    It was not until the War that secession became synonymous with treason and even that was the extreme Northern position. The majority of Americans thought otherwise. How do we know this? Clearly the vast majority of the South believed that secession was legal and justified. The several State secession conventions elected to leave the Union by crushing majorities. Nearly seventy-five percent of the Southern white male population fought for independence (secession) and their enthusiasm was only trumped by Southern women who would shame the men into joining the cause.
    As for the North, the Lincoln administration faced constant opposition from the opening shots of the War, and he received only fifty-five percent of the NORTHERN popular vote in 1864. His opponent, George McClellan, ran on a moderate peace platform and probably would have opened negotiation had he won the election. If you add the large minority vote in the North to the crushing support for secession in the South, the majority of American believed the Confederate States not only had de facto but also de jure independence from 1861-1865. In other words, secession happened and it was not treason. The Southern States were independent and no longer bound by the language of the United States Constitution.
    There were Northerners after the War who rushed to prosecute Southerners for treason. Only one, Henry Wirz, had his neck stretched, but that was not for treason. Every Confederate leader avoided being convicted of the charge, including Jefferson Davis. Thousands were charged with treason and faced trial in kangaroo courts as the Union army occupied the South. Union partisans in East Tennessee were particularly aggressive, but again, even where these Republican led courts found men guilty of treason, the verdicts were quickly overturned in higher courts.
    Post-bellum secession took various forms until the modern era, from advocacy for regionalism, to the creation of semi-autonomous communities like the Tuskegee model advanced by Booker T. Washington. These were acts designed to embrace the American concepts of legitimacy, consent of the governed, and self-determination and were opposed to monolithic nationalism. It wasn’t until the early 1990s that political secession was back on the table due in large part to the increasingly unresponsive and oppressive national centralized structure entrenched by twentieth century progressives.
    The one Supreme Court decision that somewhat addressed the issue of secession, Texas v. White in 1869, never classified the act of secession as treason. This makes the modern insistence that secession equated treason somewhat bizarre. It exemplifies the lack of understanding the establishment historical profession has for the original Constitution and exposes the “noble dream” of objectivity. These historians, like Blight, are biased toward the extreme Northern position of the immediate post-bellum America, a position that the majority of Americans rejected. The modern historical politically motivated objection to secession is not to facts but to interpretation.
    The fact remains that the charge of “treason” has never been comprehensively accepted by the American public, even to this day. See General Kelly’s statements to Laura Ingraham. The case for Confederate monuments and symbols thus becomes more pressing. Should antebellum Southerners be cast as treasonous villains in a larger Northern righteous cause mythological drama, the American principles of self-determination and consent of the governed quickly fade into oblivion. You aren’t free if you can’t leave. The founding generation North and South believed this, as did most Americans until 1861.
    Confederate monuments and symbols represent the American political soul, not of “white supremacy,” but of what William B. Travis called “the American character” in his letter from the Alamo in 1836 or what Thomas Jefferson labeled a “right” and a “duty” in the Declaration, namely to “alter or to abolish” government that does not protect life, liberty, or the pursuit of happiness. We can argue whether secession was justified in 1861–a minority of Southerners did just that (many were large slaveholders)–or if secession is a preferred course of action today, but we should never call it “treason.” That is un-American.

    ''... I believe that the maintenance of the rights and authority reserved to the states and to the people...are a safeguard to the continuance of a free government...whereas the consolidation of the states into one vast Republic, sure to be aggressive abroad and despotic at home, will be the certain precursor of that ruin which has overwhelmed all those that have preceded it.''- Gen. Robert E. Lee

  2. #2
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    their enthusiasm was only trumped by Southern women who would shame the men into joining the cause.
    The "Refugitta," her chosen nom de plume, Constance Cary was an American writer who was born in Mississippi and lived in Maryland and Virginia before the beginning of the Civil War. During the war, Constance stayed with her cousins, Hetty and Jennie in Richmond and the three together became known as the "Cary Invincibles." Constance was a profilic writer and would also publish many articles during the Civil War and many books after the Civil War. During the war she was close with the ladies near to Jefferson Davis, including Varina Davis and Mary Boykin Chestnut. She sewed an early Confederate battle flag which was gifted to General Earl van Dorn and tended to the wounded at Manassas Junction after the Battle of 1st Manassas (before which she officially met General Longstreet) and tended to the wounded in and around Richmond during the Seven Days' Battles. She met a number of generals in Virginia, and recounts her meeting with General Fitzhugh Lee in her memoirs in which he gave her a horse and a revolver. Constance would later marry Burton Harrison, a private secretary to Jefferson Davis, and after the war she moved to New York, writing under the name "Mrs. Burton Harrison."
    Sorry, name sake and all couldn't help myself. Well, daddies name sake and all.
    Wise Men Still Seek Him

  3. #3
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    Bravo Cary!
    ''... I believe that the maintenance of the rights and authority reserved to the states and to the people...are a safeguard to the continuance of a free government...whereas the consolidation of the states into one vast Republic, sure to be aggressive abroad and despotic at home, will be the certain precursor of that ruin which has overwhelmed all those that have preceded it.''- Gen. Robert E. Lee

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